Profile photo: During Brezhnev’s tenure, the strength of the Soviet Union reached its highest level in history. (Global Times)
Profile photo: Brezhnev (Global Times)
On November 10, 1982, Brezhnev, the supreme leader of the Soviet Union, died suddenly. China sent State Councilor and Foreign Minister Huang Hua as a "special envoy" to attend his funeral. When the personnel exchanges between China and the Soviet Union were cut off for 17 or 18 years, this "big move" immediately aroused widespread concern in the international community, and it was called "a funeral diplomacy initiated by Deng Xiaoping against the new leadership of the Soviet Communist Party".
The response to "the swan song"
After the founding of New China, the foreign policy of "leaning to the Soviet Union" was implemented out of consideration of the international situation and domestic needs. The Soviet Union also gave China various support and assistance for the needs of domestic and foreign affairs. The two parties and countries of China and the Soviet Union have experienced a period of friendly cooperation for nearly 10 years. However, in 1958, the incidents of "Long Wave Radio", "Joint Fleet" and "Guning the Golden Gate" caused a rift between the two parties. Since the mid-1960s, Sino-Soviet relations began to deteriorate. By the spring and summer of 1969, a large-scale armed conflict had taken place in areas such as Zhenbao Island on the Sino-Soviet border, with heavy casualties on both sides. From 1965 to 1982, in more than 10 years, the personnel exchanges between China and the Soviet Union were completely interrupted, and the bilateral business exchanges were limited to a little bit of trade and a weekly flight and a train, and the relationship between the two countries was almost at the end of their tether. In this regard, some people commented: "In the’ black tunnel’ of Sino-Soviet relations, there is neither a bright spot nor an end."
This serious opposition and confrontation between China and the Soviet Union has greatly damaged the fundamental interests of both sides. It is the urgent desire of the Chinese and Soviet people and the necessity of the development of relations between the two great neighbors to fundamentally reverse this abnormal situation and return the relations between the two countries to the track of good-neighborly friendship and cooperation. Fortunately, after Deng Xiaoping’s comeback, he pursued the policy of strengthening the country and enriching the people, easing the world situation and friendly cooperation with other countries. The Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee decided to create a peaceful international environment, especially the surrounding environment, and shift the focus of the work of the whole party and the whole country to economic construction. These major decisions provide a solid basis for China to adjust its foreign strategy, including easing its relations with the Soviet Union. At the same time, the Soviet Union also began to adjust its foreign strategy and gradually ease its relations with China.
Brezhnev was the supreme leader of the Soviet Union at that time. In October 1964, he succeeded Khrushchev as the first secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU. In the first half of his term, Sino-Soviet relations deteriorated to a serious degree. However, Brezhnev realized the importance of reversing the deterioration of Sino-Soviet relations in the late period of his administration, and in 1982, the last year of his life, he sent out several signals to improve relations.
On March 24th, 1982, Brezhnev took the opportunity of holding a celebration and chose Tashkent, not far from China, to make a public speech. Relations with China were the core content of his speech. Although this speech is still attacking China, it is new and qualitatively different from Brezhnev’s previous speeches on improving Sino-Soviet relations. He emphasized the socialist nature of China and China’s sovereignty over Taiwan Province and opposed the "two China". This positive attitude is the first time in Brezhnev’s 18 years in power.
Deng Xiaoping recognized the implication of Brezhnev’s speech and instructed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to respond immediately. Therefore, Qian Qichen, then director of the Information Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, held a press conference, noting Brezhnev’s speech, resolutely rejecting his attack on China, and stressing that it depends on the actual actions of the Soviet side.
I was working in the Soviet Union Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and attended the conference. It is the first time in the diplomatic history and news history of New China that a spokesman releases news. The news soon spread to all parts of the world by radio waves. On March 27th, People’s Daily published the above three sentences in the middle of the front page. On the 30th, the Soviet Pravda also published a message for this purpose.
The first "speech" made by the first spokesman of China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs is obviously different from our long-standing attitude of "exposing", "criticizing", "topping" and "fighting" against the Soviet position. There are 77 words in just three sentences, which leaves people a lot of room for aftertaste. Some foreign media commented that China and the Soviet Union, which have been fighting for 20 or 30 years, "seem to have the possibility of reconciliation". If this is the case, "the world will change for it".
After Qian Qichen became the deputy foreign minister in charge of the Soviet Union in May, 1982, he talked to us many times about the reason why Comrade Xiaoping took such a "big action". After the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee, Comrade Xiaoping made a new judgment on the world-wide war and peace issues and decided to change the overall diplomatic strategy. After generally straightening out Sino-US relations, he put the issue of easing Sino-Soviet relations on the agenda, and the message conveyed by Brezhnev’s "324" speech just provided a good opportunity. Therefore, Comrade Xiaoping firmly grasped this opportunity and responded quickly.
Brezhnev died 230 days after his "324" speech. This speech was later called the "swan song" of Bob. Some people call this "swan song" and Comrade Xiaoping’s response to it "indirect dialogue" between Deng Bo.
Two-step "high chess"
Comrade Xiaoping made a quick response to Brezhnev’s "324" speech and then took a series of follow-up actions. On April 16th, 1982, he asked Romanian leader ceausescu, who was visiting China, to give Brezhnev a message. On August 10th, Yu Hongliang, director of the Soviet Union Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, was secretly sent to Moscow to deliver information. These two measures are intended to push the top leaders of the Soviet Union to take substantial steps in improving Sino-Soviet relations. In accordance with Comrade Xiaoping’s instructions, in the autumn of that year, we started political consultations with the Soviet side at the vice foreign minister level on the normalization of Sino-Soviet relations. What should be pointed out in particular is that Comrade Xiaoping also grasped an accidental opportunity in time and skillfully, and took two steps of "high chess".
One is to send a special envoy to attend the funeral. As the saying goes, things are unpredictable. On November 10th, Brezhnev suddenly died of illness. At that time, I worked in China’s embassy in the Soviet Union for the second time, and served as the second secretary, in charge of external liaison. Just after 6 o’clock in the morning on the 11th, as usual, I turned on Soviet CCTV 1, and the picture on the screen simply stunned me: Brezhnev’s standard picture was framed with a black border, and the obituary was almost finished. I really can’t believe my eyes and ears. Just four days ago, that is, on November 7th, when the October Revolution Day parade and parade was held in Moscow’s Red Square, Brezhnev was fine, and his last stop in Lenin’s Mausoleum was two and a half hours, followed by a National Day reception in the Kremlin Hall. At that time, the envoys lined up to propose a toast to him, and he was very happy and looked very energetic. According to the Soviets, it was 15 degrees below zero that day, and he was frozen out of illness. The heart and lungs of the 76-year-old man couldn’t stand it, and it passed in a few days.
Ambassador Yang Shouzheng asked me to report to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs immediately. I soon got in touch with the comrades of the Soviet Union Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs through the government high-frequency telephone (that is, the "hotline"). The other party said that it had seen the news broadcast by Tass, and asked the embassy to closely observe the development of the situation and report back the relevant situation and views as soon as possible.
Many people in the embassy think that we can take the opportunity to send people to Brezhnev’s funeral and hold a "funeral diplomacy" to expand the achievements of Deng Xiaoping-Brezhnev’s "indirect dialogue". However, some people think that it is still difficult to take such a big step when Sino-Soviet relations are still deteriorating.
On the evening of 11th, the Embassy received three domestic decisions on Brezhnev’s death: (1) sending a message of condolence in the name of the National People’s Congress Standing Committee (NPCSC); (2) Ulanhu, Vice Chairman of the National People’s Congress, went to the Soviet Embassy in China to offer condolences; (3) Send State Councilor and Foreign Minister Huang Hua to Moscow as People’s Republic of China (PRC)’s special envoy to participate in condolence activities. We soon learned that these decisions were made at the instigation of Comrade Xiaoping. This is a far-sighted "big hand" of the old man.
In Beijing and Moscow, the Soviet side got this official news successively. The Soviet reaction to this was: unexpected, but not unpredictable.
After reading the domestic calls, my comrades in the embassy and I felt very excited. Several sad and comforting "firsts" were about to appear: the highest authority in China sent a telegram to the Soviet side for the first time in nearly 20 years on a non-celebration event; Chinese leaders entered the Soviet embassy in China for the first time in seventeen or eighteen years; Our leaders met with Soviet leaders for the first time in 13 years.
On the morning of the 12th, the Chinese embassy was informed that there were four officials accompanying Special Envoy Huang Hua-Yang Shouzheng, Ambassador to the Soviet Union, and the head of the Soviet Union Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In China, the embassy was also asked to send three people to assist the delegation, and I was appointed as the liaison of the delegation.
Second, the special envoy made a written "talk" at the airport. At 4 o’clock in the morning on 14th (Moscow time, the same below), Special Envoy Huang Hua and his party left Beijing for Moscow. At about 6 o’clock, China sent a written conversation made by Special Envoy Huang Hua at the Capital Airport before he left Beijing by plain telegram. We soon learned that shortly after the plane of my special envoy took off, Comrade Xiaoping gave instructions to make a speech immediately, and directly invited Hu Qiaomu, who was praised by overseas Chinese as a "mainland man with courage", to draft a draft. According to Comrade Xiaoping’s dictation, Hu Qiaomu soon drafted the written conversation of Special Envoy Huang Hua (hereinafter referred to as "the conversation").
When the "conversation" is printed, it will be only one page of 4C paper. I read it carefully for several times and found that the article was short but meaningful.
The "talk" called Brezhnev "an outstanding state activist of the Soviet Union" and said that his death was "a great loss to the Soviet country and people". It is pointed out that shortly before his death, he "expressed his commitment to improving Sino-Soviet relations in many speeches", and China expressed "appreciation" for these speeches. These refreshing expressions are a big step forward compared with the three sentences that a spokesman for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs said not long ago. This is another "big hand" by Comrade Xiaoping. This is an opportunity for the elderly to mourn the dead and focus on the Soviet people, aiming to do the work of the new leadership of the Soviet Communist Party.
"Talk" also has two brilliant pens. A clever pen is that there is such a reference in the article: by the late 1960s, Sino-Soviet relations had "deteriorated to a serious extent". Anyone with a discerning eye will understand at a glance that this is a "soft nail" deliberately set, suggesting that Brezhnev, who was in power during this period, should take responsibility for the "serious" and "deterioration" of relations between the two countries. This sentence hides the needle in the cotton, which subtly reflects the spirit of Comrade Xiaoping’s instruction about "not just saying good things" to Brezhnev. Another wonderful pen is that there was a sentence at the end of the "talk": "I hope that General Secretary andropov and the Soviet party and government authorities will make new efforts to promote the gradual improvement of Sino-Soviet relations." There is a "general secretary" and a "party and government authority" in it, and there is something in it, which implies a new public recognition of the ruling status of Soviet communist party. As early as the early 1960 s, the Chinese Communist Party began to criticize the CPSU, and the more firepower it approved, the more fierce it became, and one batch lasted for 20 years. Comrade Xiaoping, the protagonist of the face-to-face debate with the leaders of the CPSU, has now turned his pen around, probably to let the new leaders of the CPSU hear something between the lines.
At 11 o’clock, Ambassador Yang Shouzheng arrived in the VIP room of Moscow airport early, waiting for the arrival of Special Envoy Huang Hua. About 20 minutes later, Soviet Deputy Foreign Minister Ilichev also came. As soon as he met Ambassador Yang, he was pleased to say that he had read the document (referring to the written conversation of Special Envoy Huang Hua before he left Beijing), and it was written "very positively", so his evaluation of it was naturally "very positive". Ilichev also said half jokingly: "If the ambassador is allowed to make comments, I will take the liberty to say two points." Ambassador Yang said with great interest, "Go ahead." So, he pulled out a piece of paper from his coat pocket (probably a news release issued by Tass news agency), pointed to a place and said: The word "construction" in the "document" is a bit bald, and it would be better if the adjective "socialist" was added in front of it! He also said that only one place in the "document" used the word "Party" (referring to the CPSU), and it would be icing on the cake if it could be used once or twice elsewhere! After the old diplomat finished his two opinions, he squinted at Ambassador Yang and seemed to feel that he had "hit the nail on the head". Seeing his smug look, I can’t help but smile: this "old ginger" is so "spicy"!
At 12: 10, as soon as Special Envoy Huang Hua arrived in the VIP room of the airport, Ambassador Yang Shouzheng immediately invited him aside and reported the "written conversation" in Beijing. Huang Hua was stunned when he heard this, and said, "Oh, that’s what happened. I made a’ written conversation’ before I left Beijing this morning!" After reading the "talk" manuscript given to him, he immediately said: "Comrade Xiaoping’s decision is really wise! Comrade Qiao Mu’s article is really well written! " I accompanied Ambassador Yang to stand beside Special Envoy Huang Hua, and obviously I could feel that Special Envoy Huang Hua was very excited about Comrade Xiaoping’s "ingenious pen".
Ilichev stood four or five meters away, squinting at China’s special envoy and ambassador, as if trying to guess what the two senior diplomats in China were whispering. This deputy foreign minister is a philosopher. During Khrushchev’s time, he was the secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU, in charge of ideological work. He was in charge of African affairs in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union, and he also talked with us about border and state relations for 10 years. Nevertheless, he may not be so proficient in the nuances of China’s "political culture". At this point, although the Soviet Deputy Foreign Minister "thoroughly understood" the meaning of Special Envoy China’s talk, I’m afraid it’s hard to predict that the origin of the "talk" is so strange.
Superstandard courtesy
Brezhnev’s funeral is scheduled to be held at 9: 00 on November 15th in Red Square. On the evening of 14th, the Soviet side arranged for a foreign delegation to bid farewell to the body of the deceased. At 18: 50, Special Envoy Huang Hua and his party arrived at the cylindrical hall in the center of Moscow. At 19: 00, the farewell ceremony of the body began. Party and government leaders in socialist countries are at the forefront of the mourning team. The Soviet side also arranged special envoy Huang Hua in a relatively high position. Brezhnev was lying in an extra-large coffin, his face was ruddy, as if he were asleep (the Soviet makeup artist’s skill of "beautifying" the deceased was world-class), and those two "characteristic" heavy eyebrows were particularly "eye-catching". The deceased was dressed in black, and the left side of his coat was almost covered with various medals awarded to him at home and abroad, shining. The coffin was surrounded by red and black ribbons and layers of flowers. Four ceremonial soldiers were divided into two columns and stood in front of the coffin for a wake.
The wreaths sent by leaders of various countries were placed on both sides of the coffin in rows, and the wreaths presented by Special Envoy Huang Hua were placed in a more prominent position. Inside and outside the cylindrical hall, there are red and black paddles about half a meter wide and 10 to 20 meters long. More than a dozen "Big Mac" crystal chandeliers in the hall were covered with black veils, giving off dim yellow light, and the deep sorrow and joy swirled gently indoors, making the atmosphere extremely solemn and solemn. Special envoy Huang Hua and four accompanying personnel stood in front of the salute and observed a moment of silence for two or three minutes to Brezhnev’s body. As the liaison of the delegation, I stood on the side of the cylindrical hall and witnessed the final farewell to Brezhnev.
At 8 o’clock on the 15th, CCTV stations in the Soviet Union began to broadcast the funeral live in parallel. I have been working with the group, and when I watched the TV replay afterwards, I carefully recorded the whole process of the funeral of the supreme leader of the Soviet Union.
At 8: 30, the coffin containing Brezhnev’s body was carried out from the cylindrical hall in two rows by 12 soldiers, and then placed on the cannon car beside the main entrance. The sides of the cannon car are decorated with red and black straps and flowers. In a short time, the cannon car slowly started and slowly sailed to Red Square one or two kilometers away. On both sides of the road along the way, soldiers stood one by one, and behind them stood rows of ordinary people, in a continuous line. Television cameras tracked the spectacular scene of the gun car funeral from the helicopter.
At 8: 55, the cannon car arrived in Lenin’s Mausoleum, Red Square, and was parked about six or seven meters away in front of the center of the mausoleum. Ten or twenty guards marched to the cannon car and stood in two columns on both sides of the car.
Special Envoy Huang Hua and his four accompanying personnel arrived at Red Square at 8: 20, and were arranged on the first step of the cement steps on the viewing platform on the left side of Lenin’s Mausoleum. This is the second time that a China leader attended the funeral of the supreme leader of the Soviet Union after Premier Zhou Enlai attended Stalin’s funeral. At the side and back of Special Envoy Huang Hua, the party and government leaders of socialist countries and some Asian and African countries stood, and few of them accompanied them.
On the viewing platform above Lenin’s Mausoleum, andropov, the new general secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, all members of the Political Bureau of the CPSU Central Committee and the Central Secretary, and Brezhnev’s wife Brezhneva stood on the left, while the Soviet generals stood in a row on the right.
At 9 o’clock, the funeral began. Andropov delivered a eulogy, and representatives from all walks of life delivered speeches successively. It was very cold that day, about MINUS 20 degrees. In front of every speaker, there were layers of non-water and non-ice mist.
At 9: 50, the funeral ended. Andropov led a group of leaders down from Lenin’s Mausoleum and walked to the left of the mausoleum. At this time, 12 soldiers were divided into two columns, and the coffin was lifted from the gunboat, and then it was carried by the shoulder to the leader of the CPSU. Twelve leaders, including andropov, also stepped forward in two rows and stood outside the two rows of soldiers. Six soldiers in each of the two columns immediately leaned back together, and one by one put their hands on the coffin hard to make room for the leaders standing on both sides to carry the coffin. Andropov and others each held the coffin symbolically with one hand. In a short time, the coffin was carried by 24 people to the grave already dug on the left side of Lenin’s Mausoleum. Twelve soldiers tugged at the 12 thick ropes tied to the sides of the coffin with both hands and slowly put the coffin under the grave. After the ceremony, the leader of the CPSU standing beside the tomb took off his hat and bowed his head in silence for a long time, then watched the last journey of his old friend. Dressed in a long black dress, a black headscarf and a black gloves, Brezhneva walked slowly to the grave, bent down to pick up a handful of loess and gently spread it to the deceased. A wisp of pale yellow smoke suddenly floated over the cemetery …
At 14: 30, Special Envoy Huang Hua, accompanied by Ambassador Yang Shouzheng and translator Li Fenglin, went to the George Hall of the Grand Kremlin to wait for andropov’s meeting. In advance, the Soviet protocol officer told me that General Secretary andropov was eager to meet with Special Envoy Huang Hua, but it was difficult for him to meet individually because of the large number of delegations who came to attend the condolences, so he had to meet collectively and talk one by one.
Andropov is no stranger to the older people in China. He was the head of the International Liaison Department of the Central Committee of the CPSU. Before the serious deterioration of Sino-Soviet relations, he accompanied the Soviet delegation or led a delegation by himself, and visited or passed through China several times. He also participated in the talks of important leaders of China and the Soviet Union many times. The day after Brezhnev’s death, he was elected as the new general secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU. This is the fifth supreme leader of the Soviet Union after Lenin, Stalin, Khrushchev and Brezhnev in the past 65 years.
At 14: 55, andropov came to George Hall. His meeting with Special Envoy Huang Hua was arranged at the front. The new supreme leader of the Soviet Union held my special envoy’s hand tightly to welcome him. Special envoy Huang Hua once again expressed "deep condolences" on Brezhnev’s death on behalf of China leaders, saying that it was "a great loss for the Soviet country and people"; He conveyed the congratulations of China leaders on his election as General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU and wished him "great achievements" in his new important post. He said that China sincerely hopes that with the joint efforts of both sides, the normalization of Sino-Soviet relations can be realized.
After listening attentively to Li Fenglin’s translation, andropov said that he was very grateful that the China Party and government sent special envoys to attend Brezhnev’s funeral. He also said that he believed that the relationship between China and the Soviet Union would definitely improve.
When Special Envoy Huang Hua returned to the Moscow Hotel where he stayed, he said happily, "We were treated with special courtesy today. General Secretary andropov talked with me for three or four minutes. His conversations with leaders of other countries are relatively short, mostly only one or two minutes. " Shortly after, the responsible officials of the First Far East Department of the Soviet Foreign Ministry specially came to the residence of the delegation to check the Russian record of the conversation between Special Envoy Huang Hua and andropov with Li Fenglin. This shows that the Soviet side attaches importance to the conversation between Special Envoy China and the supreme leader of the Soviet Union on this special occasion.
As many as 150 or 60 foreign delegations attended the funeral in Moscow this time, including 40 or 50 high-level delegations at the level of top leaders of the party and state and heads of government. Huang Hua was then a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, State Councilor and Minister of Foreign Affairs. Relatively speaking, this level was not high. However, in terms of protocol arrangements, the Soviet side always puts my special envoy in a position of being a very important guest. This is a super-standard courtesy. On the one hand, it shows that the new leaders of the CPSU value China’s weight; On the other hand, it also shows that the Soviet side expects the relationship between the two major parties and countries of China and the Soviet Union to take this opportunity to gradually embark on the track of normal development.
The highlight of the trip to Moscow
Special envoy Huang Hua’s trip to Moscow is shouldering the important mission of understanding the policy intention of the new leadership of the Soviet Communist Party towards China and explaining my policy toward the Soviet Union to the Soviet leaders face to face. In addition to talking with General Secretary andropov, he also offered to meet with gromyko, member of the Political Bureau of the CPSU and foreign minister of the Soviet Union, in accordance with Comrade Xiaoping’s instructions. In this regard, the Soviet side gave a positive response.
The meeting between the foreign ministers of China and the Soviet Union is scheduled to begin at 16: 00 on November 16th in the Soviet Foreign Ministry. This is the first meeting between the foreign ministers of the two countries in 20 years. At the beginning of the conversation, gromyko said that he had just come from the new general secretary of the CPSU, and he could "responsibly" tell China friends on behalf of andropov that the CPSU advocated improving Sino-Soviet relations.
During the meeting, Foreign Minister Huang Hua focused on eliminating the "three major obstacles" that hinder the normalization of Sino-Soviet relations, that is, eliminating the Soviet threat to China from the north, west and south, and asking the Soviet leadership to make political decisions. In this regard, gromyko first avoided it, and then simply said that issues involving third countries were out of the question. He also said: "China does not have to be afraid of the Soviet Union, and the Soviet Union will not threaten China at all." After listening to this, Foreign Minister Huang Hua immediately replied: "We have to worry about our own safety, but we can’t lose sleep." The two sides have repeatedly confronted each other for several rounds, each holding its own views and not giving in to each other.
The meeting lasted nearly two hours before it ended. After that, gromyko walked out of the meeting hall and arrived at the elevator through a corridor of 20 or 30 meters before shaking hands with my foreign minister. A Soviet official who accompanied me quietly told me that it is rare for Foreign Minister Ge to be so polite in seeing guests off.
Although the meeting between the foreign ministers of China and the Soviet Union failed to achieve substantive results, its symbolic significance is obvious, which indicates that the political climate between China and the Soviet Union has gradually changed from "cloudy" to "cloudy" and then to "sunny".
After 6 pm, the motorcade of Foreign Minister Huang Hua and his party left the Soviet Foreign Ministry and headed for our embassy in the Soviet Union. When he arrived at the embassy, Foreign Minister Huang said to everyone, "This flight will come and return, and we will stay in Moscow for three and a half days. Now that more than half of the time has passed, all the tasks assigned by Comrade Xiaoping have been completed. I will visit’ Star City’ tomorrow. From now on, everyone can relax. " He also said: "Look at the materials introducing Star City. Its official name is Gagarin Astronaut Training Center. Listening to the comrades of the embassy, this place is not open to the outside world at present. Obviously, this is a special courtesy for us. " Then, Foreign Minister Huang asked if the flower basket for the monument to Gagarin, the world’s first astronaut, was ready. After receiving my affirmative answer, he said that the wreath we presented to Brezhnev the day before yesterday was made of flowers, big and good, and it was particularly eye-catching in the cylindrical hall.
Then, Foreign Minister Huang pointed out that the meeting with gromyko just now was the "highlight" of this Moscow trip. He asked everyone to briefly discuss their views on the conversation of the Soviet foreign minister. Before everyone could speak, Huang Hua said, "Look at the materials written by the embassy. Our foreign minister has not been to Moscow for 20 years. The last time Mr. Chen came, it was in the summer of 1961. He passed by Moscow on his way home after attending the Geneva International Conference on Laos. The Central Committee of the CPSU offered gromyko to meet him. " Foreign Minister Huang said with a little excitement: "How abnormal it is that the two neighboring countries have heard each other’s voices, but they have been dead for 20 years!" He also said, "The comrades in the embassy told me that it was in this room that Mr. Chen met with you and talked about the general trend of the world. Twenty years later, I, the foreign minister of China, came to Moscow, and now I’m at the embassy. Comrades, this is a feeling of returning home. Although it is late, I am still very excited. "
Later, Huang Hua’s entourage talked about the afternoon conversation of the Soviet Foreign Minister. Everyone’s opinion is more consistent:
-gromyko’s point of view, compared with the position held by the Soviet side in the first round of Sino-Soviet political consultations recently, is no different. It is still evasive and superficial (referring to only talking about specific bilateral exchanges), rather than touching "flesh and blood" (referring to the "three major obstacles" between China and the Soviet Union).
-andropov came to power at the beginning, in terms of foreign affairs, no matter to the United States or to China, he will generally remain the same, and it is difficult to achieve much in the short term. Moreover, he is weak and sick, so we should not expect too much from him.
-Among the "three obstacles", the Vietnam-Cambodia issue is the most difficult, and the Soviet side may continue to push hard and be mentally prepared for a long time.
The Extension of the First Funeral Diplomacy
When andropov, who was over 68 years old, took over the post of General Secretary of the CPSU, his renal function was close to a serious decline. He wore this "heavy hat" (in Tsar Boris Godunov’s language) out of helplessness, not out of "desire for leadership". Among the older CPSU members of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China Central Committee, handsome talents are scarce. Even if there is a handle, there is no intention to provoke the burden of "leader". Gorbachev, the "rising star of the Kremlin", is only 51 years old and still young. He has been working in the central government for several years and has been in charge of agriculture. He has not made any great achievements, and it is difficult to hold down the position of a big party and country at once.
Among the ordinary people in the Soviet Union, most people have high hopes for andropov’s administration, especially the new leader who has served as the chairman of the National Security Council (KGB) for a long time, and can use an "iron fist" to rectify Brezhnev’s various drawbacks in his later years. Shortly after andropov took office, he opposed Brezhnev’s lofty formulation of "developed socialism" and positioned the development stage of the Soviet Union only as "the primary stage of developed socialism". The new general secretary may have a premonition that the coming days are numbered, and he has drastically implemented the "New Deal" at home and abroad. Regrettably, andropov "but before he could conquer, he was dead" died in Moscow on February 9, 1984, and his "reign" was only one year and more than three months. Chernenko, who took over one year later, finally fell ill. China government sent leaders to attend their funerals. In this regard, some people call it the second and third "funeral diplomacy" to the Soviet Union.
Vice Premier Wan Li attended andropov’s funeral, and the Soviet side gave him a high-standard reception. Chernenko, the new general secretary of the CPSU, had a friendly conversation with Vice Premier Wan Li when meeting with foreign leaders collectively. Aliyev, the first vice-president of the Soviet Council of Ministers, held talks with him.
Vice Premier Li Peng attended chernenko’s funeral. Gorbachev, who took over as general secretary, held a formal meeting with him. This is the first time that China’s leaders have held talks with the supreme leader of the Soviet Union after 20 years. At the end of the year, Gorbachev took the initiative to meet with Vice Premier Li Peng, who was passing through Moscow on his way home from a visit. During the two meetings, the two sides talked about major issues of common concern in a frank and realistic atmosphere, which enhanced mutual understanding and promoted the improvement of bilateral relations.
The first "funeral diplomacy" with the Soviet Union broke the "ice" of Sino-Soviet relations. The latter two "funeral diplomacy" are its extension. Successive "funeral diplomacy" has continuously improved the level and level of contacts and exchanges between the two sides. In 1984 and 1985, the first deputy prime ministers of China and the Soviet Union exchanged visits after an interval of more than 20 years.
Speaking of "funeral diplomacy" to the Soviet Union, I also think of a past event that enlightened my mind. Since October 1982, several members of our negotiating team have been following Vice Foreign Minister Qian Qichen back and forth between Beijing and Moscow to hold political consultations with Soviet Deputy Foreign Minister Ilichev on the normalization of Sino-Soviet relations. The views of both sides were pointed at Maimang, and the "deaf dialogue" lasted for three years. We often show impatience with this futile marathon negotiation. Vice Foreign Minister Qian always tries to enlighten us after learning about it. There is one reason, which I think is particularly practical. He said: "Since the beginning of the consultation, the Soviet Union’s national fortune was not prosperous, and three’ sick men’ (Brezhnev, andropov and chernenko) ruled the country. In less than two and a half years, the Kremlin changed hands, and three top leaders died one after another. China sent leaders to Moscow three times to attend funerals. Imagine, in this unique situation of’ unprecedented’, how can we expect others to solve such a major problem as the normalization of Sino-Soviet relations with us? "
In the diplomatic history of New China, there was a famous "ping pong diplomacy" (April 1971), and "the small ball turned the big ball" (Premier Zhou said). It is it that has pried open the "closed door" of Sino-US relations. The "funeral diplomacy" initiated by Comrade Xiaoping to the Soviet Union in November 1982 marked the turning point of Sino-Soviet relations from opposition and confrontation to dialogue and cooperation, which was an important part of China’s foreign policy and even the whole reform and opening up, and had a great and far-reaching impact on both domestic and foreign affairs. Since then, under the unremitting promotion of Comrade Xiaoping for many years, Gorbachev has finally made up his mind to solve the "three major obstacles" after three and a half years in the Kremlin. The Deng Xiaoping-Gorbachev meeting held in Beijing on May 16th, 1989 declared the normalization of Sino-Soviet relations. Since then, this turning point has become an irresistible "great tide". After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the new norms of relations between the two countries set in the process of normalization of Sino-Soviet relations were successfully inherited by the Sino-Russian "strategic cooperative partnership" and carried forward for the benefit of the two peoples.
Editor: Bo Du
